Thursday, September 15, 2011
Broken Republic: Narendra Modi and India's Future
Will he, won't he? Narendra Modi is suddenly back in the reckoning as a future Indian Prime Minister. Incredibly, the aspirations of his admirers in Hindu Nationalist camps are inflamed because an US report, a rather routine one done by the Congressional Research Office, praised him, in one paragraph of a 95 page report for effective governance of Gujrat. Indeed, it is a bit ironic to me, having observed the noise the BJP leaders made about a sell-out of Indian dreams when the then Indian government signed a treaty on nuclear energy with United States in 2008: They claim now that they are fit to govern because even the US officials say so.
But the irony aside, one may have to start to reconcile with the possibility that such a calamity may actually happen. A Hindu Nationalist rule now, in the context of a deep corruption and completely rudderless governance by the current coalition, is within the realm of the possible. John Elliott, in his fairly balanced post today, certainly thinks that Modi can plausibly beat Rahul Gandhi, who proved rather reluctant and mostly illusive to take on the leadership role. With Supreme Court unwilling to pursue the case against Modi for the Gujrat riots, Modi has adapted for himself the development mantra, which sells well to the Middle Class, and has managed to keep a largely clean image. This is a formula that works in India: Development sells well, and corruption hurts the middle class most. The angry middle class of the 70s - with concerns for social justice and just society - has largely retired.
In a way, this is about aspirational, brash, new India finally shaking off the post-colonial values. A generation, which was born with a sense of entitlement, and which did not have to make the sacrifices of the previous generations to gain freedom and define a country, is now claiming preeminence: Their India is one of individual pursuit of success, of EMIs and shopping malls. It seems the whole country has one obsession, the GDP growth which is directly translated to hitherto unthinkable salary figures for the middle class professions, which buys more cars and other things of consumption. The landless peasants, the urban slums, the lowly babus who lost the race, are like ghost-images, an avoidable distraction when everyone can talk in flashy terms of Sensex points and Growth percentages. What Modi did does not matter anymore: Whether the people of Gujrat has more money and more to consume matters most in this discussion.
Indeed, facts are of little significance. For example, Gujrat was always a rich state with a huge diaspora linked by language and religion, and it is only natural when the India story started circulating, Gujrat would have become a natural beneficiary. Nothing can take away that Modi is an efficient administrator, but this comes at a cost of ruthless authoritarianism. It does not really matter for half of the country, Modi is a hated figure: Those who hate him are mostly poor anyway. It is also of little significance that a Hindu Chauvinist India will invariably wreck any possibilities of peace with Pakistan, and return the region back to the dark days of 1998. In the global scheme of power, an assertive India may be a good thing and may supply the foot-soldiers for the war on China that may invariably have to be waged someday.
It seems natural, though. It looks quite like the 1920s, when Benito Mussolini set new standards of governance in Italy and no one seemed to bother that he was crushing his opponents at the same time. He was regaining the lost glory of the Roman empire: As long he was lining up the poor Italians to fight the Soviet threat, and the people who he was putting in Jail could have been assumed to have socialist sympathies, everyone was happy. He was proclaimed, by the then American Ambassador, as the greatest man of his time. That was economic prosperity first, social justice and political freedom later: That was forgetting Benjamin Franklin's dictum that those who give up liberty to gain temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety.
Indeed, those who don't read history, are condemned to repeat it.
A friend has recently forwarded me a quote from Lord Macaulay's speech in the British Parliament on 2nd February 1835. I reproduce the...
Introduction : The Business of Gift Giving Business gift giving has always been common and contentious at the same time. Business gifts are ...
My previous post, o n whether Hinduism is the only thing to unite India , to which my answer was negative, was based on the idea that Indi...
The title of this post is in quotes because someone told me this. This was some days ago, over lunch in London, something that I stayed wi...
We knew this anecdotally: That Engineering graduates can not find a job in India. Now, we have some numbers: AICTE says that 60% of the 80...
It is common to hear - Globalization is not working for everyone! The Right says it, and believes that closed societies with open economie...
India is in the middle of a great transformation, driven by the aspirations of its young people. This transformation is apparent to an...
Today's election results in five Indian states may or may not be noticed by the world media, but they are, in a way, no less significa...
When facts change.. I enthused when Labour Party chose Jeremy Corbyn as its leader. It promised an escape from politics as usual, a b...
Or, I could have said - why I can't read business books. At least, not anymore. This may seem inconsequential, but it is not for m...
How To Live
"Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs even though checkered by failure, than to rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy nor suffer much because they live in the grey twilight that knows neither victory nor defeat."
- Theodore Roosevelt
- Theodore Roosevelt
We shall not cease from exploration
And the end of all our exploring
Will be to arrive where we started
And know the place for the first time.
- T S Eliot
Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.